Top 7 Ways to Beat the Heat and Stay Cool During the Summer

Top 7 Ways to Beat the Heat and Stay Cool During the Summer The blazing heat of the summer is tough on our bodies. If you don’t have the luxury of staying indoors where your AC is blasting on high, then you know how hard it can be to stay cool during the summer months. Most of us need to work, so there is no escaping the brutal summer heat. But don’t let the heat stop you. There are ways you can beat the heat and stay cool without sacrificing your sanity. Here are the top 10 ways you can beat the heat and stay cool:7. Drink more waterThis may seem like a no brainer, but you’d be surprised at just how many people do not drink enough water during the day. To be safe, you should follow the 8 by 8 rule which states that you should drink eight 8-ounce glasses of fluid a day.6. Take precautions to avoid excessive sweatI live in New York City. So I know how bad it is to be standing on a hot subway platform while sweating like a mad man. It’s brutal. There are tricks you can use to counter excessive sweating. You can try p utting on deodorant the night before. Your sweat glands are more active in the morning which causes your deodorant to be less effective.5. Get a portable fanThe other day I bought a portable fan that sprays mist into your face while fanning you. What a time to be alive. Get yourself one of these babies and take them with you on those scorching hot days.4. Avoid eating hot foodsA few weeks ago, I went to a nice little Korean place and got the soup. Bad decision. Since it’s already hot outside, eating anything hot will only amplify the effects of the heat. You definitely do not want to go down that road.3. Exercise comfortablyMy personal recommendation is to get a gym membership and avoid exercising in the heat. But if that’s not something that is possible, then there are alternative exercises such as swimming and various other water sports that can definitely get the job done.2. Sleep on top of a wet sheet or clothSleeping in the heat is the absolute worst because it of ten prevents you from getting the proper rest that you need in order to function the next day. If you’re trying to save money on your electric bill, you can try sleeping on a wet sheet or cloth. You’ll be able to remain cool even in the sweltering heat.1. Know your body’s best cooling pointsFinally, if you’re trapped in the heat and aren’t able to find a cooler place, then you can apply an ice pack, or cold towel to your cooling points. This can include wrists, forehead, etc. By knowing your cooling points, you’ll be able to cool yourself off faster and more effectively.Source: [Lifehacker]

Why emails here to stay - Emphasis

Why emails here to stay Why emails here to stay People have been ringing the death knell for email on and off for a few years now. But should we be listening? The latest peal came from French IT company Atos, which declared that it would phase out internal emails by 2013. And for reasons well all recognise: too much time spent dealing with too many emails, of which too few are useful and too many are spam. CEO Thierry Breton said his staff would instead use good old face-to-face communication, as well as instant messaging (IM) and social media tools. The shadow of social media Rumours also circulated when Facebook launched its Social Inbox, which brings users emails, chat and texts together in one place. Both co-founder Mark Zuckerberg and chief operating officer Sheryl Sandberg questioned the future of email at least in its current format. Email I cant imagine life without it is probably going away, Sandberg announced at Nielsens Consumer 360 conference. If you want to know what people like us will do tomorrow, you look at what teenagers are doing today. Good to know that in time well not only be swapping email for SMS and social media, but also pledging eternal love to Justin Bieber. Last year did see a drop off in email users, by far the most dramatic of which (59 per cent, according to US internet research firm ComScore) was among 1217 year olds. However, the average 13-year-old has different communication needs to the average office worker. (The fall in use by 2535-year-olds was 18 per cent, and in 3544-year-olds only 8 per cent.) IM steps up The main pretender to emails throne is instant messenger. A quick Twitter poll revealed its appeal its informal, chatty, good for knowing whos at their desk and for getting a quick response. One woman contributed the excellent point that, as she is deaf, it is a handy equivalent to the telephone. However, IM is not without its drawbacks. It is distracting, not so good for detail and sometimes used when an email would be more appropriate. One tweeter summed it up with: Occasionally useful, often annoying. Especially when youre watching someone composing what should have been an email. Many people said they used IM alongside email: evidently it has its place, but its not an email replacement. Five reasons to love email With three billion users, email is clearly doing several things right. Here are five unique benefits: 1. Your account will be compatible with your recipients, no matter what programme you each use. 2. You decide when you reply, so you have more control over your time management a choice you dont get with instant messages and phone calls. 3. It encourages thought-out and structured messages by providing formatting tools and (almost) limitless space. 4. Unlike most instant messaging services (or phone calls), it still works if the recipient isnt there at the moment of sending. 5. It allows you to keep a record or reference by saving and filing useful information to your own system. This isnt to say that email cant yet be improved upon. There are already tools available to help sort through, and even explore and utilise the data within your inbox. Granted, some of these do merge information from social sites, and to an extent the line between the two is blurring. By the time those 1217-year-olds are taking meetings, email may have become a very different animal. But its definitely not dead yet: and its still evolving. And for advice on managing your inbox, check out our Top tips for smart email.

The changes in medieval italian society and the papacy Essay

The changes in medieval italian society and the papacy - Essay Example He spent most of his time working the land, and trying to grow enough food to survive another year. Social activities were important also, every citizen in a medieval town were expected to attend fairs in the town square (Life during the Middle Ages). Medieval weddings, also one of the important events, were a whole town activity. Women were largely confined to household tasks such as cooking, baking bread, sewing, weaving, and spinning. But some medieval women held other occupations such as blacksmiths, merchants, and apothecaries (Life during the Middle Ages). Medieval diets lacked vitamins A, C and D and were not high in calories. The only positive part of these diets, were that they were somewhat "heart-smart;" low in fat and high in fiber. But the medieval world was usually a very hungry one. (Life during the Middle Ages). The Catholic Church was the main source of education. Every cathedral and monastery established a school to provide free education to every boy who had the intelligence and the perseverance to follow a demanding course of study. Medieval students often sat together on the floor, scrawling notes from lessons using a bone or ivory stylus on wooden tablets coated with green or black wax (Life during the Middle Ages). ... The political instability brought about by the barbarian invasion, made the Church as the only sought institution that provide good guidance and learning source. During that period, the popes have the two very effective tools to consolidate power in their office: excommunication and interdict. Excommunication was the first weapon. Catholics believe salvation depends on perpetual sacramental observance. Cutting a communicant off from the sacraments means one loses salvation. When the pope excommunicated a believer there was really "no hope" (Church History). The Interdict served as the pope's second weapon. What excommunication was to individuals, the interdict was to an entire nation. A papal interdict would suspend all public worship and withdrew the sacraments. After the interdict went into effect, Citizens usually pressured their rulers to repent or abdicate (Church History). Changes in the Medieval Italian Society and their Causes The Rise of Feudalism. The barbarian invasions of Italy and the rest of Europe left a power vacuum. The power vacuum is then filled by feudalism. In the feudal system, the king awarded land grants or "fiefs" to his most important nobles, his barons, and his bishops, in return for their contribution of soldiers for the king's armies. At the lowest echelon of society were the peasants, also called "serfs" or "villeins." In exchange for living and working on his land, known as the "demesne," the lord offered his peasants protection (What was it really like).Changes in Attitudes Towards Women. During the period, Women were usually treated as property. Passion was considered sinful to 11th and 12th century moralists, but these ideals were slowly being worn away with the rituals

Analyze an article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 1

Analyze an - Article Example It is evident even when it comes to sourcing of finance. Manufacturing companies in Egypt are expected to give more collateral when seeking cash to finance import of raw materials. On the other hand, the Egyptian pound has dropped by 6.6% making exports low-priced. On the opposite, the price of fuel has increased. Therefore, companies incur higher cost of manufacturing. In the long run, the manufacturers end up getting minimal profits. Companies can reduce the risk of losing their customers by refraining from increasing the price of their commodities. When manufacturers pass the added cost incurred to the buyers, they stretch the ability of the consumers. Therefore, the customers will consider buying cheaper alternative goods. Manufacturers can also opt to seek to produce cheaper affordable goods. Customers will tend to spend the cash they had put aside as saving. Therefore, more money will be in circulation making the rate of inflation to go

Women’s Resource Center Essay Example for Free

Women’s Resource Center Essay Communication plays an important role in many areas of all fields of employment. I have recently come back to school to earn my MBA. Prior to entering school again I worked in the social work field as a support person, working for an organization called Women’s Resource Center through the United Way. While working for Women’s Resource Center I attended various trainings. Some of the trainings were effective and offered a lot of information which could be used on a regular basis in my position, while others offered little useful information. Effective communication is one of the most important roles for a presenter to have when offering trainings, trainings that I have attended have had both good and poor communication and therefore the outcome of the trainings is greatly affected by the presenter’s ability to communicate. One of the most effective trainings that I attended while working for the Women’s Resource Center was a training called â€Å"Suicide Prevention and Assessment. † The training was very successful in my opinion as it offered information and the practical used of this information in the field. This training used a variety of resources and ways to communicate the needs of the clients and the ways that suicide could be affectively prevented. The training also offered various communication strategies and principals. The trainers were able to present clinical documentation in a way that all could understand and they also were able to relate the clinical studies to real life situations that we as employees could be facing on a regular basis. This training included a wide range of communication strategies when effectively communicating the needs of the information. I learned through an oral presentation, video, power point presentation, and handouts. I was able to follow along both visually and audibly which helped as I could see and hear what was being said. Also the trainers talked on a real world level relating issues and terminology to situations that present themselves to the staff on a regular basis. Through this training I learned some great resources for affective communication. I also learned the importance of effective communication in trainings first hand as the information seemed so much more personal and needed then it would have had the communication occurred in another way. If I were to lead this training I would not change a thing. It was by far the most effective work training that I have ever attended and I was able to learn more during this training and I feel that the main reason for my ability to learn was that the presenters utilized such effective communication practices. I was fortunate to be a part of such a great suicide prevention training however I have also had training experiences where the communication was poor and I was unable to gain information that was valuable from them. One training that I attended where the communication skills were lacking was training on the skill of Motivational Interviewing. This training was presented in a clinical manner. It was presented in a lecture style, without any visualizations and without apparent relevance to the population with which I was working. This training offered some great information but the information was lost to the students as it came across in a manner that was not interesting or practical for the environment for which it was to be applied. I felt that this training used such poor overall communication skills that it was ineffective based on communication alone. There were many things that could have been done differently to make this training more effective and for this training to have better overall communication skills. The training would have first been improved by offering various styles of communication, some lecture, some visual, some hand outs and things that could be used later. The training also would have been more effective if it were applied to the situations that are faced on a daily basis by the staff. I felt that I would have learned a lot more if I had been told ways that this training would help and if I had been given real world examples to the ability of these trainings. This training taught me firsthand that useful information can be lost if not communicated in an affective manner and the importance of being effective in my communication when leading or planning trainings on any topic. I would change the format first, then the communication style and possibly the trainer’s ability to communicate the information affectively to those who are working in the field. I would have worked to develop training that was effective for those who were supposed to use it. Effective communication is important in all areas of business. One area where business can be drastically affected by communication is training. There are always going to be trainings that are needed in any field of employment however the effectiveness of this training can be improved and the staff can learn more if effective communication takes place. I learned through training in my past position that communication plays a much more important role in the possibility of teaching new information than I would have formerly thought. I would not have imagined that the communication of the presenter could determine how much of the information was absorbed and how much of the training information was determined to be useful if I had not previously taken these two trainings and experienced first hand the difference in communication and how it affects those whom you are training.

Madness and Insanity in Shakespeares Hamlet - Hamlet is Truly Sane :: The Tragedy of Hamlet Essays

Hamlet is Truly Sane In William Shakespeare's play, Hamlet, we meet an interesting character named Hamlet. His father is killed and he finds out it was his uncle who murdered him. This, among other events, is believed to drive Hamlet insane. But he is not insane, he merely puts on an act because he craves attention, and is really quite sane. There are little incidents that tell the truth of his state of mind. He plans ahead, before doing something important. He acts in a calm and rational manner (most of the time) when planning, and when carrying out this plan, acts irrational. Everything he does is done for a viable reason; there is a purpose to what he does and why he does it. Also, Hamlet is aware of what is going on around him, something someone insane would not see. Hamlet plans ahead before doing certain tasks. When the acting company comes along, Hamlet talks to himself discussing that the play will bring about the conscience of the killer. He thinks of a play where a man is killed by someone close, something that resembles Hamlet's father's murder. This was not done in a state of insanity, and it was not spurr-of-the-moment idea. Hamlet thought this through and planned it out ahead. People insane do not think to plan ahead and do not act in rational manner. When Hamlet does act irrationally, it is in front of people; it is as if Hamlet wants the world to think he is insane. But maybe his reason for acting insane is legitamite.   Ã‚  Ã‚   Many of Hamlet's actions are done for a viable reason. He does not go off and do random acts of violence or anything of the sort. When Hamlet was going to kill Claudius the first time, he stopped himself, because Claudius was in confession. If Hamlet had killed him there, all of Cladius' sins would have been wiped away, and Hamlet feared sending him to heaven, so he would wait for a better time to kill Claudius. When Hamlet was arguing with his mother and Polonius approaches, Hamlet assumes it was the King. They scuffle, and Hamlet stabs Polonius. Hamlet thought it was the King, a viable reason, just not true. The most important reason to prove Hamlet's sanity is that he is aware of what is going on around him.

The Public Private Education System Education Essay

The boundaries between the public and private proviso of schooling in Cambodia have become progressively blurred. While the figure of private schools remains fringy and by and large limited to elite schools in urban countries, denationalization is come ining public schools-invisibly and frequently unofficially-on an unprecedented graduated table. Given policy force per unit areas from international fiscal establishments, the boundaries between the populace and the private are sometimes purposefully erased by authorities functionaries in the name of cosmopolitan primary instruction and Education for All ( EFA ) in order to impart private financess into a badly underfunded public instruction system. In this context, the private proviso of instruction non merely becomes attractive to policymakers as a feasible mechanism in shuting the support spread but besides reflects authorities ‘s committedness to deregulating, decentalisation, and marketisation of the economic system since th e 1990s. In add-on to government-led attempts, concealed denationalization of instruction besides thrives at the grass-root degrees in the signifier of private tutoring, which allows instructors to supplement their meagre wages with extra income and offers pupils instruction of higher quality compared to public schools. Notwithstanding the positive facets of private tutoring-such as spread outing cognition and involvements for persons ( Bray, 2007 ) , roll uping human capital for societies ( Psacharopoulos & A ; Patrinos, 2002 ) , and supplying new schemes for get bying with rapid geopolitical passages for a assortment of instruction stakeholders ( Silova, 2009 ; Silova & A ; Brehm, 2013 ) -the private tutoring in Cambodia has grown in size to such an extent that it is now arguably greater in demand, value, and income coevals than the public instruction system. In kernel, private tutoring has become more of import to both instructors and pupils in Cambodia than the public instruction system because of its ability to bring forth higher incomes for instructors and supply a more complete ( and individualized ) instruction to pupils. The private proviso of instruction through private tutoring has assumed similar signifiers to public instruction, going both a differentiated demand ( focused chiefly on to pics examined on national trials or thought to supply better occupation chances ) and extra demand ( run intoing the unequal supply of public instruction ) . It has, in consequence, usurped the legitimacy of public instruction in Cambodia. Although the Kampuchean authorities made efforts to get rid of enrollment fees in the 1990s, prohibit informal fees like buying scrutiny documents from instructors in 2005, and label private tutoring unethical in 2008 ( see Asian Development Bank, 2008 ; Royal Government of Cambodia, 2008 ) , it has non enforced such policies. Left unregulated, the market for private tutoring has begun to falsify the mainstream course of study by switching important parts of curricular content from the populace to the private proviso of instruction. For illustration, some surveies report public school instructors â€Å" blackjacking † their ain pupils into go toing excess lessons ( Bray, 2007 ; Dawson, 2009 ) . Other surveies have shown a important sum of new curricular stuff or prep being presented in private tutoring categories ( Brehm & A ; Silova, 2012 ) . Since many instructors live in poorness because of limited or stretched income ( Benveniste et al. , 2008: 62 ) , keep backing informat ion during mainstream instruction becomes one manner to guarantee a market for private tutoring. Yet, the costs associated with private tutoring prohibit many pupils from go toing these auxiliary lessons, therefore lending to socioeconomic unfairnesss ( Bray, 1999a, 2007 ; Dawson, 2009 ) . Constructing on old research about the range and nature of private tutoring in Cambodia ( Bray, 2007 ; Dawson, 2009 ) , this survey aims to straight address quality and equity deductions of private tutoring in the broader context of denationalization of public instruction. The chief research inquiry examines why, how, and under what fortunes denationalization of public instruction takes the signifier of private tutoring and what deductions this concealed denationalization has for the quality and equity of instruction proviso for Kampuchean young person. Following an overview of old research on private tutoring in the Southeast Asian and international context, we situate the survey of private tutoring in the political, economic, and historical context of Cambodia. Pulling on qualitative and quantitative informations collected in 2011 in one territory in Cambodia ( including three schools in an urban location and three schools in a rural location ) , this survey identifies factors driv ing the demand for private tutoring, compares teaching methods used in public school categories and private tutoring lessons, and examines deductions of private tutoring for long-run societal and economic equity among Kampuchean young person.Gestating Private Tutoring:The Public-Private Hybrid Education SystemSystems of private tutoring are turning worldwide. In Europe, most European Union states experience some degree of private tutoring ( Bray, 2011 ) ; in the United States, private tutoring is estimated to be a US $ 5 billion industry ;[ 1 ]and in Hong Kong, private tutoring has become so popular that images of celebrated coachs are on a regular basis found in newspaper and coach advertizements ( Kwo & A ; Bray, 2011 ) . There is even a Chinese private tutoring company listed on the New York Stock Exchange.[ 2 ]However, private tutoring is non limited to Western and economically developed states. It has besides been found in states every bit diverse as Egypt ( Fergany, 1994 ) , I ndia ( Aggarwal, 1998 ) , and Kenya ( Nzomo et al. , 2001 ) . Asia is possibly the continent where private tutoring is most widespread ( Bray & A ; Lykins, 2012 ) , with the more economically advanced states, like South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, being used as the empirical footing for what some have called â€Å" hyper-education † ( Dierkes, 2010 ) .[ 3 ] Despite the range of private tutoring worldwide and its peculiar prevalence in Asia, it however takes different signifiers depending on context. Bray ( 2009 ) conceptualizes private tutoring as an institutionalised fee-based auxiliary instruction that occurs because of a scope of issues including high bets proving, remedial categories, structural issues like overloaded course of study, and/or intensive societal competition. The common metaphor for private tutoring is â€Å" shadow instruction. † Yet, in our position, in Cambodia the shadow instruction metaphor misses the hybridisation between public and private schooling. Following the treatment of the larger literature on â€Å" shadow instruction † in the subdivisions below, we elaborate the conceptualisation of the intercrossed system of instruction found in Cambodia, concentrating on its divergent and convergent points with the â€Å" shadow † metaphor.The â€Å" shadow † metaphorPrivate tutoring is no rmally referred to as â€Å" shadow instruction † because it mimics ( or â€Å" shadows † ) mainstream schooling ( Stevenson & A ; Baker, 1992 ; Bray, 1999b ; Lee et al. , 2009 ) . The survey of private tutoring within this conceptualization is concerned with topics taught on the national course of study, non extracurricular activities, like guitar lessons or dance. The analogy to a sundial casting a shadow to state the transition of clip is frequently used to depict shadows cast by systems of instruction that tell about the alterations in society ( Bray, 2007, 2011 ; Bray & A ; Lykins, 2012 ) . In peculiar, Bray ( 2009 ) explains that the metaphor of the â€Å" shadow † is utile for several grounds: First, private supplementary tutoring merely exists because the mainstream instruction system exists ; 2nd, as the size and form of the mainstream system alteration, so make the size and form of auxiliary tutoring ; 3rd, in about all societies much more attending focuses on the mainstream than on its shadow ; and 4th, the characteristics of the shadow system are much less distinguishable than those of the mainstream system. ( p. 13 ) The shadow instruction metaphor clearly separates mainstream schooling from private tutoring, and focal points on how the two influence, and are influenced by, one another. Evidence of private tutoring around the universe suggests that there are multiple factors driving the demand for shadow instruction. First, the prevalence of high-stake scrutinies has created a demand for private tutoring among pupils to better prepare for and successfully pass assorted scrutinies necessary to progress to higher degrees of schooling. Second, private tutoring occurs when pupils need excess aid in get the hanging a certain accomplishment or subject that has proven excessively hard to understand during mainstream schooling. Third, there are assorted structural issues that cause private tutoring, such as short school yearss and low instructor wages. Impacting all three of these factors is the increased social force per unit area put on parents and pupils to win in school. Acting as a non-academic fact or taking to private tutoring, equal force per unit area besides exacerbates the demand for excess categories, as parents and pupils perceive private tutoring as an effectual manner to gain an advantage in school, sometimes despite any existent additions in academic accomplishment. High-stakes scrutinies Within the â€Å" shadow † metaphor, private tutoring is often associated with an â€Å" enrichment scheme, † foregrounding its function in fixing pupils for high-stakes scrutinies ( Baker & A ; LeTendre, 2005: 61 ) . In peculiar, high-stakes scrutinies increase pupil and parental anxiousnesss about keeping, registration, or graduation. The premise is that high-stakes scrutinies serve as â€Å" a gate-keeper to instruction and labour market chances † ( Baker & A ; LeTendre, 2005: 62 ) and that pupil success on high-stakes scrutinies would take to better instruction and employment chances in the hereafter. This is why â€Å" cram schools † have emerged in many states to fix pupils of assorted academic abilities ( from remedial to high winners ) for high-stakes scrutinies. For illustration, Tansel and Bircan ( 2006 ) study that extremely competitory higher instruction entryway scrutinies in Turkey create the demand for private tutoring. Similarly, the second ary school choice procedure in Japan reportedly produces a strong logic for pupils to go to juku, an establishment offering a assortment of private tutoring lessons across all educational degrees ( Sawada & A ; Kobayashi, 1986 ; Russell, 2002 ; Roesgaard, 2006 ; Dierkes, 2008 ; Dawson, 2010 ) . Some surveies, nevertheless, have questioned the nexus between high-stakes scrutinies and private tutoring. For illustration, Aurini and Davis ( 2004 ) observed that tutoring concerns are turning well in Canada despite the fact that Canadian universities lack university entryway scrutinies and are non arrayed on a steep prestigiousness hierarchy, as are universities in other states such as the United States and Japan. Although Cambodia has what look to be â€Å" high-stakes † scrutinies in class 9 and grade 12,[ 4 ]the commoditisation of instruction that has resulted from the neoliberal structural accommodation policies in the 1990s has practically eliminated the high-stakes nature of these scrutinies. This has occurred because multiple goods and services are sold during the full scrutiny procedure, go forthing the demand to really analyze or â€Å" cram † for the scrutiny to lone pupils who can non afford the assorted fees or pupils who are ethically opposed to educational corruptness. First, scrutiny replies or mention ushers ( â€Å" cheat-sheets † ) can be purchased from local photocopy shops yearss or hours before the scrutiny. The assorted reply or darnel sheets cost different monetary values depending on their â€Å" known † quality ( i.e. , whether the beginning of the reply or mention sheet is known to come from a instructor, a certain location, an decision mak er, or others ) . Why would pupils â€Å" cram † for scrutinies when they can easy buy replies before the trial? Second, during the scrutiny, many services can be purchased from the two monitors ( instructors administrating the scrutiny ) in each schoolroom or accountants ( the instructor supervising a group of monitors ) standing outside. Students can pay monitors to allow them utilize either mini-textbooks purchased at a photocopy Centre, answer sheets, or work in groups. Additionally, for a higher monetary value, some monitors or accountants are willing to assist pupils by either filling in a clean scrutiny sheet and go throughing it along to pupils, or supplying one-on-one aid during the scrutiny. Sometimes during the procedure, pupils pay monitors, monitors pay accountants, and accountants pay supervisors ( instructors in charge of a group of accountants ) -all to maintain eyes looking elsewhere.[ 5 ]In some instances, parents pay a fee to guarantee a certain monitor or accountant is assigned to their kid ‘s category in order for that pupil to have aid on the more hard topics ( typically mathematics or chemical science ) from a instructor who teaches those topics. The jobs of rip offing on national scrutinies have repeatedly made headlines in the Kampuchean intelligence, but the assorted patterns are widely known to go on despite official warnings ( see Cheng, 2011 ; Chhron, 2010 ; Saoyuth, 2010 ) . As the gloss of any instruction meritocratic order is all but eliminated by the many fees during the scrutiny procedure, these trials are â€Å" high-stakes † in name merely ; few if any pupils feel force per unit area from the scrutiny beyond non holding adequate money to guarantee a high grade. In fact, pupils unable to pay the high costs typically drop out far before the national scrutinies.[ 6 ] Remedial tutoring Private tutoring is frequently thought of as assisting some pupils maintain up with the content taught in authorities school. For illustration, de Silva ( 1994 ) identified several factors that create the demand for remedial tutoring: â€Å" pupil and instructor absence, frequent closing of school, uneffective instruction and carelessness on the portion of the instructor, † every bit good as â€Å" immature, inexperienced or unqualified instructors managing these topics may non be able to take the pupils to a proper apprehension of the subdivisions taught † ( p. 5 ) . In these fortunes, remedial private tutoring serves to â€Å" get the better of these spreads or lacks in pupils ‘ acquisition and construct their assurance enabling them to vie with others and see a happy and pleasant life † ( p. 5 ) . In add-on to demand for remedial private tutoring by pupils and parents, some authoritiess have besides mandated or encouraged the usage of it. The educational system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for illustration, provides compulsory auxiliary categories for remedial pupils. Traditionally, if more than 50 per centum of the pupils in a category are holding jobs get the hanging the capable affair, the instructor is obliged to form alleged â€Å" remedial categories † in that topic. Remedial categories are held after regular school hours and are an chance for the instructor to make extra work with fighting pupils ( Husremovic & A ; Trbic, 2006 ) . Vouchers are another manner authoritiess can promote the usage of remedial private tutoring. In Australia, the authorities uses verifiers to fund pupils who fall behind to take remedial private tutoring categories ( Bishop, 2007 ) . Remedial private tutoring is besides available in Cambodia, but it is merely one of the many types of private tutoring ( see Table 1 ) . Students who need excess aid with assorted school topics can buy extra educational services to make full spreads in their cognition. However, this is non the chief ground for go toing private tutoring lessons. By and large, Kampuchean pupils attend private tutoring lessons conducted by their instructors as a continuance of their regular school twenty-four hours, non needfully for redress intents ( Brehm & A ; Silova, 2012 ) . If pupils need remedial tutoring, they would hold to take these lessons in add-on to â€Å" regular † private tutoring ( Rien Kuo[ 7 ]) . Remedial private tutoring is frequently referred to as â€Å" excess particular private tutoring † ( Rien Kuo Pises ) and is offered by instructors to pupils in one-on-one or little group lessons. Typically, these remedial categories cost more than Rien Kuo ( regular private tut oring ) , sometimes every bit high as US $ 100 monthly for one hr of analyzing one topic. However, the separation of these two types of private tutoring is non ever along remedial lines. Some pupils attend Rien Kuo when they need excess aid on a certain lesson, and some pupils attend Rien Kuo Pises because it offers a better acquisition environment than Rien Kuo. Structural issues The demand for private tutoring besides stems from structural issues, such as an overladen course of study, deficiency of fiscal resources, or educational corruptness. First, overloaded course of study is frequently attributed to the turning demand for private tutoring, proposing that public school instructors may prosecute in private tutoring after school to learn the stuff they were unable to cover during school hours. For illustration, course of study reforms implemented in many of the post-Soviet democracies in the 1990s â€Å" stretched the bing course of study † by presenting new academic topics ( e.g. , information and communicating engineerings, civics, and foreign linguistic communications ) without well altering the familial Soviet course of study. In Lithuania, Budiene and Zabulounis ( 2006: 213 ) study that the freshly introduced student-centred instruction methods consumed more clip than the old teacher-centred attacks. Private tutoring was therefore used to run i nto the demand for more clip necessary to finish the needed national course of study, utilizing new teaching/learning methodological analysiss. The association between an overladen course of study and private tutoring is besides reported in surveies of private tutoring in Cyprus, Indonesia, Lebanon, Nigeria, and Russia, ( Bray, 2007: 37 ) , every bit good as Southeast/Central Europe and Central Asia ( Silova, 2009 ; Silova et al. , 2006 ) . In Cambodia, pupils and parents perceive private tutoring as a mechanism enabling instructors to decently learn the topics included in the national course of study ( Brehm & A ; Silova, 2012 ) . In peculiar, many parents believe that there is merely non adequate clip in the school twenty-four hours to cover all course of study, doing specific mentions to the decrease of the school twenty-four hours following the debut of double- and triple-shift schooling. Despite the few reported instances of instructors purposefully â€Å" decelerating down â €  content bringing to make a market for private tutoring ( Bray, 1999a: 55 ) , the sensed deficiency of clip nonetheless leads to a perceived demand for more instructional clip merely to supply needed coverage of the national course of study. Second, low educational outgos contribute to the demand for private tutoring. In states financially unable to adequately back up public instruction, private tutoring emerges as a mechanism to supplement low instructor wages, provide smaller category sizes, and offer larning stuffs to pupils outside the national course of study ( Silova, et al. , 2006 ; Silova, 2009 ; Bray, 2010 ; for the Kampuchean instance see Bray & A ; Bunly, 2005 ; Silova & A ; Brehm, 2013 ) . For illustration, Cambodia spends 2.3 per centum of GDP on instruction, puting it among the lowest in the Southeast Asia part and below the universe ‘s norm of 4.8 per centum ( European Commission, 2012 ) . Although the budget allotment to the MoEYS recurrent outgos experienced an addition starting in the 2000s, there has been a steady lessening since 2007 ( see Figure 1 ) . Harmonizing to the European Commission ( 2012 ) , there was a downward tendency in budgeted recurrent outgos between 2007 ( 19.2 per centum ) and 2012 ( 15.9 per centum ) .[ 8 ]Meanwhile, surveies have found that families contribute a larger portion on the instruction per kid than does the authorities: whereas the authorities spends on mean US $ 50 per kid per twelvemonth ( Ratcliff, 2009: 11 ) , households spend between US $ 48 ( rural countries ) to US $ 157 ( urban countries ) per kid per twelvemonth ( NEP, 2007: 18 ) . Of family instruction outgos, about 38 per centum goes to education fees, which includes the cost of private tutoring ( NEP, 2007 ) .Figure 1. MoEYS Budgeted and Actual Recurrent OutgosBeginning: Education Sector Working Group, 2006 ; European Commission, 2012 Third, the deficiency of educational resources disproportionately impact teacher rewards. In Cambodia, there has been a wide consensus among pedagogues, brotherhood leaders, decision makers, and society in general that instructor wages are deficient to cover life disbursals ( Benveniste et al. , 2008 ) . In 2007, for illustration, a primary instructor ‘s base wage was US $ 44 per month, which made it hard ( if non impossible ) for many instructors to afford the basic necessities of nutrient, lodging, and heath attention, every bit good as support any kids or aged household members ( Benveniste et al. , 2008: 59 ) .[ 5 ]To some extent, private tutoring has helped underpaid instructors generate extra income. For illustration, a common 2nd business among Kampuchean instructors, particularly in urban primary schools, is private tutoring ( 41.5 per centum of urban instructors identified tutoring as out-of-school work ; [ Benveniste et al. , 2008: 69 ] ) . Net incomes from private tu toring can stand for about two tierces of the monthly mean base wage with basic allowances ( Benveniste et al. , 2008: 38 ) . Similar to instructors in other geographic countries ( such as the Southeast/Central Europe and the former Soviet Union ) , many Kampuchean instructors have adopted the logic of â€Å" service proviso, † utilizing private tutoring as a cardinal income-generation activity ( Silova & A ; Bray, 2006 ) . Fourth, there is hold in the allotment of financess. In Cambodia, both teacher wages and Programme-Based Budgeting ( unallocated money intended for single schools, which used to be called the Priority Action Programme, or PAP ) are routinely distributed tardily. Teachers have claimed that the distribution of rewards is typically delayed ( VSO, 2008 ) . For illustration, salary expense in January 2012 had non been allocated to instructors in seven states by the terminal of the month ( Denn Ayuthyea, 2012 ) . Anecdotal narratives sing the Programme-Based Budgeting indicate that the money is frequently disbursed yearss before the District or Provincial Offices of Education require a study detailing how the money was spent. This typically leads to distort studies detailing where money was â€Å" exhausted † merely to run into the demands of the MoEYS. A 2nd issue with delayed financess is the escape that occurs between the Ministry of Economy and Finance ( the ministry responsible for let go ofing money to the MoEYS ) and when it reaches instructors. As money is passed from the Economy and Finance Ministry to the MoEYS, which is so sent to the Provincial and District Offices of Education and so eventually received by the schools, money is lost ( or â€Å" cut † in Khmer ) at each phase. One common ailment from instructors is that their wages are ne'er the right sum. Combined, low wages-made even lower by leakage-require instructors to keep 2nd occupations, which about 70 percent claim to hold ( Benveniste et al. , 2008: 68 ) . Finally, structural issues that lead to private tutoring by authorities instructors may ensue in what many perceivers consider educational corruptness ( Chapman, 2002 ) . Educational corruptness has been defined as any pattern where a instructor uses his or her monopoly of power ( delegating classs, allowing admittance, etc. ) over his or her pupils in a system with small answerability ( Bray, 2003 ) . Contributions given to instructors by pupils, for illustration, have been labelled as a â€Å" baneful pattern † ( Hallack & A ; Poisson, 2008: 253 ) because some instructors may honor pupils who donate and punish those who do non. The pattern of instructors keeping private tutoring lessons for their ain pupils, nevertheless, is more hard to clearly label educational corruptness. For illustration, Johnson ( 2011 ) has provided grounds that Kyrgyzstani â€Å" pupils blame the context, non the perpetrators [ i.e. , instructors ] † ( p. 254 ) of corruptness, because â€Å" workers perceived to be lending to the grater good of societyaˆÂ ¦ [ are allowed to ] pervert from the jurisprudence † ( p. 253 ) . Furthermore, Dawson ( 2009: 71 ) â€Å" problematize [ vitamin D ] the word picture of the pattern as ‘corruption ‘ † in Cambodia â€Å" with consideration toward the grossly unequal income of province instructors and the jobs built-in with curriculum clip, content, and instructor teaching methods in the system † by locating the pattern of private tutoring within the â€Å" broad social issues. † To sum up, the â€Å" shadow instruction † metaphor assumes that private tutoring can react to the single pupil demands ( e.g. , maintaining up with the needed school course of study or bettering academic public presentation on trials ) and even systemic educational jobs ( e.g. , overloaded course of study or low instructor wages ) with the aid of the â€Å" shadow instruction † market. For under-achieving pupils, private tutoring may offer an chance for remedial instruction after school hours. For competitively minded pupils, private tutoring may help with more intensive readying for high-stakes scrutinies. For underpaid instructors, private tutoring may supply chances for auxiliary income. And, in the context of an overladen course of study, private tutoring may supply a infinite for pedagogues to learn the stuff that was non covered at school. On the surface, most of the factors normally associated with the turning demand for private tutoring are present in the Kampu chean context. However, they do non explicate the complicated agreements between the public educational system and private tutoring that emerged in the 1990s ( see Brehm & A ; Silova, 2012 ; Brehm, forthcoming A ) . As we suggest in this survey, private tutoring is non a shadow that is separate from mainstream schooling. As the Kampuchean instance illustrates, it may be best understood as a cardinal component in a intercrossed agreement between public schooling and private tutoring, which operates as one individual system and casts its ain shadow.The â€Å" intercrossed † metaphorThe metaphor of a â€Å" shadow † system of instruction reaches its conceptual bounds in the context of Cambodia. During our research, we have found that the term caused more confusion than lucidity among Kampuchean faculty members, instructors, pupils, parents, and policymakers. The ground being that the term â€Å" shadow instruction † suggests fee-based private tutoring is separate f rom, although influenced by, mainstream ( authorities ) school: no affair how a shadow is distorted by the form or size of its object, it will ne'er be the object projecting the shadow. The premise is that the shadow and object are basically separate. In Cambodia, nevertheless, it is normally understood that a kid ‘s instruction requires both authorities and private tutoring categories. Both are inseparable parts of one system necessary to have a complete instruction. As the mainstream schooling progressively relies on private tutoring to complement what is defined as â€Å" instruction, † the shadow and object of schooling have become one. Students typically attend one displacement ( 4 or 5 hours ) of authorities school and so go to another displacement of private tutoring categories ( 1-4 hours, depending on pupil ) each twenty-four hours, sometimes including Sundays, public vacations, and summer holiday. Students who can afford the 300-1000 Riel ( US $ 0.08-0.25 ) hourly fee for private tutoring return to school ( or teacher ‘s place ) to hold their authorities school teacher offer lessons in what appears to be the same system of instruction. In both private tutoring and authorities school categories, further more, everything is for sale, therefore film overing the lines between what is â€Å" public † ( and free ) and â€Å" private ( and for sale ) . This intercrossed system does non wipe out some of the characteristics found in â€Å" shadow † instruction worldwide. Rather, the intercrossed system of instruction that includes both authorities and private tutoring categories has cast a shadow of its ain: some pupils will go to both authorities school and private tutoring categories with their authorities school teacher and schoolmates, and so buy extra remedial or elected private tutoring in one-on-one or group settings-what is called excess particular private tutoring-at a higher cost. There are even companies offering scrutiny readying classs to pupils in the capital, Phnom Penh. Thus, the boundaries between the typical construct of â€Å" shadow † instruction and the mainstream system of instruction, which is being privatized by private tutoring, are progressively blurred in the Kampuchean context.Public-Private Hybrid Education SystemIn the Kampuchean context, private tutoring is best understood in footings of a public-private intercrossed instruction system where public schooling and private tutoring seamlessly merge, projecting its ain shadow. This conceptualisation implies that private tutoring is a compulsory ( private ) part of public instruction, non a deformed shadow, and therefore complements mainstream schooling where it is structurally lacking. Unlike the metaphor of a â€Å" shadow, † the construct of a public-private intercrossed system suggests that public schooling and private tutoring constitute two parts of one system. This conceptualisation moves off from auxiliary private tutoring ( that is, lessons that are excess to the national course of study ) and towards complementary private tutoring ( that is, lessons that are indispensable to the national course of study ) . A public-private intercrossed system of instruction implies that pupils are required to go to and pay for both public schooling and private tutoring to successfully finish the full national course of study. The map of complementary private tutoring therefore extends far beyond â€Å" shadowing † the mainstream system through remedial and/or enrichment instruction chances ( although these signifiers of auxiliary private tutoring continue to be in Cambodia ) . In the Kampuchean context, the chief signifier of complementary private tutoring-w hat is called Rien Kuo-assumes the maps of the mainstream instruction system itself by functioning as an of import mechanism necessary to finish the needed national course of study and increase teacher salaries-both structural failures that have complicated histories through Gallic colonialism, race murder, Soviet support, and broad internationalism/neoliberalism. As an built-in portion of the public-private intercrossed instruction system, private tutoring assumes the same schoolroom features and teaching method as mainstream schooling. Not merely does private tutoring occur inside authorities school edifices ( and frequently in the same schoolrooms where pupils receive official authorities school direction ) and is offered by public school instructors ( normally by the same instructors pupils have during regular school hours ) , but besides each category operates and maps in surprisingly similar ways. In peculiar, the usage of learning AIDSs, group work, interchanging pupil work, blending high and low ability pupils together, and even homework assignments happen in more or less the same mode in authorities school as private tutoring categories ( Brehm & A ; Silova, 2012 ) . In other words, it operates as a seamless system, which merely maps efficaciously when the two parts-public schooling and private tutoring-are offered in tandem. Furtherm ore, the public-private intercrossed instruction system does non halt operation when school is officially closed. Alternatively, instruction continues in the signifier of Rien Kuo Pel Vissmakkal ( Vacances ) or excess survey during vacations ( holiday ) , when kids attend private tutoring lessons during public vacations and summer interruptions to either complete the old twelvemonth ‘s course of study or acquire a head start on the approaching twelvemonth ‘s course of study. In a manner, private tutoring seems to hold been consistently integrated in mainstream schooling, organizing an institutionalised public-private intercrossed educational agreement.Table 1. Different Types of Private Tutoring in CambodiaPublic-Private Hybrid Education SystemRien KuoExtra surveySome instructors conduct private tutoring lessons to their ain pupils after school hours either in school edifices or in their place. The focal point is on covering needed school course of study, which is non ta ught during school hours. This is the most common signifier of tutoring and the focal point of this survey. It is besides referred to as Rean Boban Porn ( auxiliary survey ) or Rean Chhnuol ( survey for hire ) . Rien Kuo Pel Vissmakkal ( Vacances )Extra survey during vacations ( holiday )When pupils finish school in July or August, they frequently have the pick of go toing private tutoring lessons during the summer interruption. These categories are either conducted by their pervious class ‘s instructor to complete the course of study from that class or by the following class ‘s instructor to get down the course of study before the following school twelvemonth. This gives instructors plenty time-either at the beginning or terminal of the year-to complete the national course of study.Shadow EducationRien Kuo PisesExtra particular surveyGovernment school teachers conduct private tutoring lessons one-on-one or for little groups of pupils, typically from the instructors ‘ authorities category. These lessons are conducted after school hours either at the instructor ‘s place or a pupil ‘s place. This type of private tutoring is more expensive than the former, sometime s bing every bit much as $ 100 per month for one-on-one tutoring. This type of private tutoring is either used by pupils for remedial lessons ( i.e. , shadow instruction ) or for replacing authorities school wholly. Indeed, we found one instance during our informations aggregation where a pupil came into understanding with his instructor to go to one-on-one Rien Kuo Pises and was non required to go to authorities school on a regular basis because his instructor would tag him present. This type of Rien Kuo Pises resembles private schooling more closely than shadow or intercrossed instruction. Sala AkchoanPrivate ( tutoring ) schoolThere are many types of private schools in Cambodia. From English linguistic communication based schools to private universities to engineering developing centres-all of these schools are considered Sala Akchoan ( private survey ) . However, there is one type of private survey within this class that is portion of the shadow instruction system. In Phnom Penh ( and possibly other urban countries ) , there are a few trial readying centres that fill schoolrooms each dark as pupils â€Å" cram † for the national scrutinies and university entryway scrutinies. The most celebrated is named Chey Thavy, which was started by a chemical science professor from the Royal University of Phnom Penh. For the class 12 scrutinies, many pupils start fixing in grade 10 or 11. Preparation for the university scrutinies typically takes topographic point during the four months between the class 12 scrutinies ( July/August ) and when the university scrutinies are a dministered. Rien Kuo Anglais/BarangEnglish/French supernumerary surveyGet downing in lower secondary school, the national course of study requires pupils to take foreign linguistic communication, either English ( Anglais ) or Gallic ( Barang ) . Despite that these linguistic communications are on the course of study, some pupils purchase excess categories outside of authorities school in countless private educational centres/schools/homes. This intercrossed system of instruction has besides cast its ain shadow, reflecting the typical maps of private tutoring found within the â€Å" shadow † metaphor ( see Table 1 ) . Similar to private tutoring in other geographic contexts, remedial and enrichment tutoring chances are available in add-on to the traditional Rien Kuo in Cambodia. In peculiar, pupils who need excess assist understanding assorted topics can buy extra educational services to increase their cognition. This type of tutoring is less common and is often referred to as Rien Kuo Pises or â€Å" excess particular private tutoring. † It is offered in the signifier of one-on-one tutoring or little group lessons for pupils who need excess aid get the hanging certain topics. These categories typically cost more than Rien Kuo, sometimes every bit high as US $ 100 per month for a day-to-day category on one school topic. In add-on, private tutoring for enrichment intents is available through private tutorin g concerns in Phnom Phen, where pupils â€Å" cram † for high-stakes scrutinies. In other words, the intercrossed system-where public schooling is integrated with private tutoring-casts a shadow that is comprised of assorted remedial and enrichment tutoring infinites. Building on the bing research of private tutoring in Cambodia, this survey examines the equity issues ensuing from a public-private intercrossed system of schooling. This research looks at the differences and similarities between private tutoring ( Rien Kuo ) and authorities school categories. Datas from this research undertaking has besides been used in other publications to analyze how private tutoring is an extension of authorities school in footings of teaching method and curricular content ( Brehm & A ; Silova, 2012 ) ; the building of a post-conflict societal contract in the 1990s and its impact on the impression of public instruction ( Brehm, forthcoming A ) ; and a historical analysis of mandatory instruction ( Brehm, forthcoming B ) . A Khmer version of this study ( although non a direct interlingual rendition ) is besides available ( Tuot & A ; Brehm, 2012 ) . This study takes an in-depth expression at instruction inside authorities schools and private tutoring schoolrooms, every bit good as the deductions of private tutoring for instruction quality and equity, therefore offering a elaborate reappraisal of the informations collected for this OSI funded research undertaking ( Silova & A ; Brehm, 2011 ) .Research Design and MethodsThe research design consisted of three parts, including ( 1 ) an scrutiny of the province constructions, policies, and local patterns that allow for the being of the private proviso of instruction through private tutoring ; ( 2 ) the differences in the quality of instruction proviso between public schools and private tutoring ; and ( 3 ) the equity impacts on instruction and Kampuchean society because of any quality differences and known cost barriers to accessing private tutoring ( see Figure 2 ) . Using participatory research attacks, this survey utilized methods normally used in Participatory Rural Appraisals ( PRA ) . One of the benefits of utilizing PRA methods is that â€Å" it provides a huge range and infinite for both people every bit good as foreigners to actively take part at every phase † of the research ( Narayanasamy, 2009: 26 ) . By keeping focal point groups ( 5-7 people ) and carry oning one-on-one interviews with many instruction stakeholders ( sample described in item below ) , our informations involved the engagement of many people within both the urban and rural schools under probe. The semi-structured focal point groups provided infinite for participants to research issues of quality instruction and the function private tutoring has on educational equity. We conducted semi-structured interviews as good over the class of the twelve-month informations aggregation period to make common apprehension and trust between the research workers and respondents in hopes of bring forthing more accurate information on subjects that could be sensitive. Additionally, informal interviews helped us by â€Å" prosecuting in existent or constructed duologues in order to understand the people studied in their ain footings ( sometimes described as the insider ‘s position ) † ( England cited in Sin, 2010: 986 ) . Another benefit of utilizing the PRA method is triangulation of information. Our design incorporated non merely data triangulation ( roll uping informations from persons and the synergistic degree among groups ) but besides investigator triangulation and methodological triangulation. Some focal point groups were conducted by a squad of two research workers who so worked through their findings jointly. Furthermore, these informations points were compared with informations points obtained utilizing different methods, viz. , schoolroom observations and the analysis of academic accomplishment ( monthly classs and attending ) for pupils who were go toing private tutoring lessons and those who are non. Additionally, we built off historical analyses and updated papers analyses of authorities policies in old research to the present. The methods used in each school are described below and the instruments used to roll up the informations can be found in the appendix.Figure 2. Research Design a nd MethodsThis survey is based on informations collected between January and December 2011. The sample included six schools in one territory in Cambodia, including three schools in an urban location and three schools in a rural location.[ 6 ]The territory is economically and geographically diverse, offering penetration into assorted countries throughout Cambodia. The sample was intentionally chosen to reflect a scope of private tutoring costs in different schools depending on their geographic ( urban or rural ) location. After roll uping preliminary informations on the cost for one session of private tutoring within all lower secondary schools ( 13 ) in the territory, we selected one lower secondary school with the highest private tutoring costs ( 1,000 Riel, or about US $ 0.25, per session ) and one with lowest ( 500 Riel, or about US $ 0.13, per session ) , which besides corresponded to urban and rural countries severally. We so worked backwards to happen two primary schools that fed into each lower secondary school. The concluding schools selected were chosen by their willingness to take part in the survey.ObservationsA sum of 28 observations were conducted, including 14 observations of public school categories and 14 observations of private tutoring lessons ( see Table 2 ) . However, these observations did non include private tutoring lessons in rural primary schools, because no such lessons were held during the four months of informations aggregation. Observation rubrics were developed utilizing instruments from a World Bank commissioned study on Cambodia ( Benveniste et al. , 2008 ) that focused on learning methodological analysis, schoolroom features, and category clip usage. The inquiries within each of these classs were so compiled into an observation checklist adapted for the last twelvemonth of primary and secondary school ( classs 6 and 9 severally ) , and used for observations of teaching/learning procedures in both public school categories and pr ivate tutoring lessons.[ 7 ]Table 2. Number of Observations by Subject and GradeClassCapableNumber of ObservationsGovernment ClassPrivate TutoringEntireGrade 6 Khmer 7 2 9 Matematics 1 1 2 Grade 9 Khmer 3 2 5 Mathematicss 1 2 3 Physicss 2 3 5 Chemistry 0 4 4Entire141428Tracking pupil attending and accomplishmentDatas on academic accomplishment and attending came from tracking 444 pupils ( see Table 3 ) , including 162 pupils in primary school ( rate 6 ) and 282 pupils in secondary school ( rate 9 ) . The pupils tracked in class 9 came from six categories[ 9 ]across four topics: mathematics, Khmer linguistic communication, chemical science, and natural philosophies. Although we were able to track the same categories in the rural school across all topics, a different group of categories was tracked in each of the topics in the urban secondary school. Therefore, although 282 pupils in class 9 were tracked, the figure of alone pupils in each topic varies depending on which group of categories was tracked in the urban class 9: 171 pupils in mathematics, 208 pupils in chemical science, and 203 pupils in Khmer linguistic communication.[ 10 ]At the primary degree, one category of pupils was tracked in each school.Table 3. Trailing of Student A ttendance and Achievement ( Sample )Experience with Private TutoringLocationEntireRuralUrbanPrimary Private Tutoring 24 43 67 No Private Tutoring 67 28 95 Entire Number of Tracked Students at the Primary Level 162 Lower Secondary Private Tutoring 75 118 193 No Private Tutoring 38 51 89 Entire Number of Tracked Students at the Secondary Level 282Entire Number of Tracked Students444Student attending of private tutoring lessons was tracked utilizing a private tutoring attending sheet specifically designed for this survey. While most participants used the attending sheet, pupil attending in private tutoring within some urban class 9 and all rural class 6 categories was provided by either the remembrances of the instructor, the entire money collected from pupils by the instructor, or an attendance sheet. These tracking systems were discussed separately with each instructor by traveling through the attending list from school and holding the instructor identify either how much money each pupil provided for private tutoring ( a record kept by some instructors ) or by bespeaking their perceptual experiences of how frequently a pupil attended private tutoring ( either by memory or an attendance sheet designed by the instructor ) . This allowed us to place which pupils attended at least one private tutoring lesson during our inform ations aggregation period. The principal of each school provided authorities attending and monthly class sheets. Data presented here screens attendance and monthly classs for one month,[ 11 ]leting for a comparing of academic accomplishment and private tutoring attending among pupils who attend private tutoring and those who do non. The academic tonss for class 9 focused on the topics of mathematics, Khmer linguistic communication, and chemical science. For class 6, we focused on a combination of mathematics and Khmer linguistic communication ( Khmer command, Khmer authorship, and Khmer reading ) . Although the sample is little, covers a short clip, and does non take into consideration external factors impacting pupil accomplishment ( parental instruction, past educational experience of the pupil, proviso of tutoring other than that provided by the instructor, etc. ) , our intent here was non to find causing between private tutoring and pupil accomplishment, but instead to foreground a disparity between pupils who go and do non travel to private tutoring as one factor that divides pupils and contributes to inequality.Focus groups and interviewsFocus groups and interviews were conducted with pupils, parents, and instructors. Participants were selected by confer withing the principal or instructor of each school o r category, who so helped set up interviews and concentrate groups with community members and pupils. Although the principal or instructor could hold purposefully selected or prepared participants, this scheme was the lone politically executable option given authorities limitations. Notwithstanding these restrictions, we did happen all participants willing to speak openly approximately private tutoring and its exclusionary characteristics. Overall, 21 focal point groups were conducted, which included a sum of 118 participants ( see Table 4 ) . Focus groups were split by stakeholder groups ( pupils, instructors, and parents ) and so by their engagement in private tutoring lessons. The end of dividing the stakeholders was to increase the comfort degree among persons in each focal point group in order to research their experiences with private tutoring. The focal point groups besides discussed perceptual experiences of the impact of tutoring on instruction quality and equity. In add-on , informal interviews were conducted with 21 participants, including instructors, pupils, parents, and principals from other schools. These informal interviews focused on the experiences of persons with private tutoring, assisting us to construe some of the findings from the observations and concentrate groups.Table 4. Number of Focus Groups ( and Participants ) in Rural and Urban AreasStakeholdersPrimaryLower SecondaryCombinedClass DegreesEntireRuralUrbanRuralUrbanRuralUrbanTeachers ( entire )6 ( 28 )Private tutoring 1 ( 3 ) 1 ( 3 ) 1 ( 8 ) 3 ( 14 ) Non-private tutoring 2 ( 7 ) 1 ( 5 ) 3 ( 12 )Students ( entire )11 ( 69 )Private tutoring 2 ( 14 ) 2 ( 12 ) 1 ( 7 ) 1 ( 5 ) 6 ( 38 ) Non-private tutoring 2 ( 12 ) 2 ( 12 ) 1 ( 7 ) 5 ( 31 )Parents ( sum )4 ( 23 )Private tutoring 1 ( 5 ) 1 ( 4 ) 2 ( 9 ) Non-private tutoring 1 ( 5 ) 1 ( 9 ) 2 ( 14 )Entire21 ( 118 )Note: The Numberss in parenthesis are the entire figure of participants within each class.Document analysisDocument analysis included a reappraisal of authorities policies and Torahs related to instruction support and instructor wages. In add-on, we analyzed assorted studies on instruction quality and equity in Cambodia published by non-governmental organisations ( NGOs ) and international bureaus ( such as the World Bank, UNICEF, and UNESCO ) . Combined, informations gained through papers analysis, schoolroom observations, academic accomplishment and attending, every bit good as focal point groups and interviews were triangulated to ease proof of informations through cross confirmation from multiple beginnings and informations aggregation techniques. See Table 5 for an overview of the research methods.Table 5. Overview of Research MethodsObservationsA sum of 28 observations were conducted, including 14 observations of public school categories and 14 observati ons of private tutoring lessons. In primary schools, observations were conducted in mathematics and Khmer linguistic communication categories. In lower secondary schools, observations were conducted in Khmer linguistic communication, mathematics, natural philosophies, and chemical science. The same observation process was held for private tutoring lessons conducted by each instructor. How does the instructor Teach during mainstream instruction ( learning methods and curriculum content ) ? Does the instructor favor certain pupils? Who are they? What are the learning methods and content in private tutoring? How are the two instruction manners different?Trailing of Student Attendance and AchievementDatas on academic accomplishment and attending came from tracking 444 pupils, including 162 pupils in primary schools ( rate 6 ) and 282 pupils in secondary schools ( rate 9 ) . The end was to analyze whether ( and how ) private tutoring impacts pupils academic accomplishment in different topics. What are the differences in pupils ‘ academic accomplishment for those who do and make no go to private tutoring?Focus Groups and InterviewsFocus groups with pupils, parents, and instructors were held over the class of informations aggregation to analyze their experiences with private tutoring and their perceptual experience about the impact of private tutoring on instruction entree and quality. A sum of 21 focal point groups were conducted. In add-on, A sum of 21 informal interviews were conducted with parents, instructors, and pupils throughout the informations aggregation period. What are the chief grounds kids attend private tutoring? Which topics are most popular? How much does it be? What are the difference in learning between private tutoring and authorities school? How does private tutoring impact you, your household, and your small town?Document AnalysisGovernment policies and Torahs related to instruction, 1992-present. Focus on authorities support of instruction and instructor wages. What are the system-driven factors ( national policies and Torahs ) lending to the rise of private tutoring?The Nature, Impact, and Implications of Rien Kuo:FindingssConcentrating on the range, nature, and deductions of Rien Kuo, the findings of the survey are organized around the undermentioned three chief classs: ( 1 ) course of study differences between Rien Kuo and mainstream schooling, ( 2 ) accomplishment differences among pupils go toing private tutoring and those who do non, and ( 3 ) social affects of private tutoring. Before researching each of these subjects in more deepness, it is of import to supply a few descriptive statistics on the strength and signifier of private tutoring within our sample.General features of Rien KuoOf the 282 pupils tracked in class 9, 193 pupils ( 68.4 per centum ) attended at least one private tutoring category during the clip of the informations aggregation. At the primary school degree, the range of private tutoring was lower, with 41.3 per ce ntum of all surveyed pupils ( 67 out of 162 ) go toing private tutoring. The strength of private tutoring varied by topic in class 9, with 57 per centum of surveyed pupils go toing private tutoring in mathematics, 54 per centum in Khmer linguistic communication, and 37 per centum in chemical science ( see Table 6 ) . Comparing the strength among topics, a similar per centum of pupils accompanied private tutoring lessons in Khmer linguistic communication and mathematics, but a smaller per centum of pupils accompanied chemical science lessons. One account for the difference in frequence between Khmer linguistic communication and mathematics with chemical science is the manner in which classs are calculated. Each month instructors administer their ain capable scrutinies to their categories. These scrutinies are neither standardized in footings of content nor monitored in footings of rating rubrics. The tonss across all topics are so added for each pupil and divided by the entire figure of possible points, which varies by month depending on the topics covered. Average capable and overall classs are reported monthly on pupil mark sheets, bespeaking the ranking of the pupil among his or her schoolmates. Across all degrees of schooling, the topics of Khmer linguistic communication and mathematics account for 100 points ( sometimes more[ 12 ]) while the other topics merely account for 50 points on monthly mark sheets. This means hiting higher in Khmer linguistic communication or mathematics will hold a greater positive impact on pupils overall grade each month than making good on topics like chemical science, which merely account for 50 points.[ 13 ] A farther analysis of informations by geographic location ( rural versus urban ) reveals a higher strength of private tutoring usage in urban countries compared to rural countries. In primary schools, for illustration, 60.5 per centum of urban pupils attended private tutoring categories compared to 26.4 per centum of pupils in rural countries. The one exclusion within our informations set is for Khmer linguistic communication private tutoring in class 9 where more rural pupils attended private tutoring than urban pupils. This divergent determination can be explained in two ways. First, it can be partly attributed to parental pick. If parents can merely afford private tutoring in one topic, Khmer linguistic communication was perceived as most valuable because of the rating policies described above and the general perceptual experience that literacy is a necessary life accomplishment. Second, within the rural categories tracked, 19 pupils who attended private tutoring were supported ( i.e. , provided money to go to private tutoring ) by an NGO. Without fiscal support to pay the private tutoring fees, these 19 pupils would most probably non hold attended the excess classs in any topic. Controling for these pupils, we find that merely 39 per centum of pupils attend Khmer linguistic communication private tutoring in the rural school compared to 52 per centum in the urban school. This is in understanding with the general determination of a higher strength of private tutoring within urban schools. There were besides noticeable differences between authorities school and private tutoring category sizes. Since Rien Kuo is seldom offered in a one-on-one scene and is alternatively taught to larger groups of pupils, it closely resembles categories in mainstream schools. Nevertheless, Rien Kuo category sizes are by and large smaller than those in mainstream schools.[ 14 ]Based on our observations and attending trailing, the mean category size of authorities school in class 9 ( both urban and rural ) was 42 pupils. By contrast, private tutoring categories were, on norm, 21 pupils. Interrupting these informations down by location, we find that the mean category size in authorities school is 56 pupils in the urban lower secondary school and 35 pupils in the rural lower secondary school. By contrast, private tutoring categories were on mean 37 pupils and 17 pupils in urban and rural schools, severally. This suggests that private tutoring categories are ( 1 ) smaller than authorities scho ol irrespective the location, and ( 2 ) urban countries have larger category sizes in both authorities school categories and private tutoring lessons compared to rural countries.Table 6. Intensity of Private Tutoring by Subject, Grade 9Students in authorities categoryStudents in private tutoring% of pupils in private tutoringMathematicssUrban 58 35 60.34 Rural 113 63 55.75 Entire 171 98 57.31ChemistryUrban 95 58 61.05 Rural 113 19 16.81 Entire 208 77 37.02Khmer LanguageUrban 90 47 52.22 Rural 113 64 56.64 Entire 203 111 54.68Course of study differencesGiven that Rien Kuo by and large takes topographic point on school evidences, normally in the same schoolrooms where authorities school categories are held, there are some interesting continuities between Rien Kuo and mainstream schooling. Data collected from schoolroom observations and triangulated with interviews and concentrate groups suggest that private tutoring is in many respects a continuance of authorities school in footings of learning methodological analysis and course of study content ( see Table 7 ) . For illustration, instructors appear to delegate prep ( 43 per centum of private tutoring categories observed and 64 in authorities categories ) and even present new stuff in private tutoring lessons ( 36 per centum of the private tutoring categories and 79 per centum of authorities categories ) . Likewise, pupils appear to be involved in similar activities in both authorities categories and private tutoring lessons, including replying multip le pick inquiries ( 14 per centum ) and reacting to instructors give illustration to whole category ( 78 per centum ) .Table 7. Similarities between Government School and Private Tutoring ClasssTeacher PedagogyGovernment SchoolN=14% of categories observed ( figure of categories observed )Private TutoringN=14% of categories observed ( figure of categories observed ) High ability pupils work with low ability pupils 28.6 ( 4 ) 14.3 ( 2 ) High ability pupils help learn whole category 71.4 ( 10 ) 50.0 ( 7 ) Name on weak pupils to reply inquiries 50.0 ( 7 ) 42.9 ( 6 ) Students answer multiple pick inquiries 14.3 ( 2 ) 14.3 ( 2 ) Students answer inquiries at board 100.0 ( 14 ) 71.4 ( 10 ) Teacher assigns prep 64.3 ( 9 ) 42.9 ( 6 ) Teacher nowadayss new stuff 78.6 ( 11 ) 35.7 ( 5 ) Teacher provides whole category direction 100.0 ( 14 ) 85.7 ( 12 ) Students answer in chorus 71.4 ( 10 ) 64.3 ( 9 ) Teacher gives illustration to whole category 78.6 ( 11 ) 78.6 ( 11 ) The focal point groups with instructors provided in-depth qualitative information to congratulate the observations sing learning methodological analysis and the course of study used in authorities school categories and private tutoring lessons. The first subject that emerged in the focal point groups was the overpowering sentiment that the national course of study is excessively long to finish during authorities school hours. Some instructors said they had to â€Å" hotfoot † through the course of study to complete on clip and feared being held accountable for non completing. For illustration, one instructor who conducts private tutoring explained: We rush to maintain up with the course of study. [ During official school hours ] , we teach merely theory and give merely a few illustrations. If pupils go to private tutoring, they can pattern [ at the board ] because there are fewer pupils who goaˆÂ ¦We can non acquire all pupils to pattern [ at the board ] in authorities category. It requires a batch of clip. The â€Å" haste † to complete the course of study is a consequence of a course of study excessively â€Å" full † to finish during the allotted clip. One history instructor who sends his kids to private tutoring explained: â€Å" [ The ministry ] allows small clip [ to learn ] . I teach based on the [ allowed ] clip. If the course of study is non finished, [ so ] I allow it travel because there is non adequate clip. [ Although ] I try my best, it is still impossible [ to learn everything ] . † The bulk of instructors agreed that the course of study clip provided by the MoEYS was non sufficient for pupils to pattern the theory they learned during school hours and that they conducted private tutoring to supply more pattern clip for pupils to complement the cognition gained. In other words, private tutoring provided the necessary clip to complete the course of study to a perceived higher criterion. As one instructor who does non carry on private tutoring explained, â€Å" Private tutoring instructors take the lessons learned in the authorities category and supply more pattern in private tutoring. They even add more [ stuff excluded in the authorities category ] . † From instructors ‘ positions, quality instruction could non be achieved during regular school hours. One of the

Establishing Ground Rules and Promoting Appropriate Behaviour

Establishing Ground Rules and Promoting Appropriate Behaviour When it comes to dealing with a new group of students, the first thing that one needs to keep in mind is that every student, as an independent individual, is unique and prone to acting upon and analysing certain situations in diverse ways. In order to come to a mutual understanding, certain arrangements on anticipated conduct within the classroom have to be made and maintained. According to Atherton (2011), these arrangements or ground rules are â€Å"the minimum necessary conditions for getting learning work done in the class†.So essentially, the ground rules are a pact concluded between the learners and the teacher; a pact that provides a greater understanding of the expectations as well as the needs of both the teacher and the learners relating to positive learning environment. There are various ways or approaches in which ground rules can be constructed. The concept of setting out rules is closely connected to t he idea of leadership – â€Å"a process of influencing the activities of†¦ a group of individuals in an effort towards goal achievement in given situations† (Bhatti et al, 2012).Consequently the approaches of ground rule establishment can be compared to three leadership styles, determined by Lewin, Lippit and White in their article Patterns of Aggressive Behaviour in Experimentally Created Social Climates (1939): a) authoritarian type, when the leader is making decisions independently with almost no contribution from the rest of the group, b) delegative or Laissez-Faire type, when the decision making is in the hands of group members, and c) democratic type, when the leader is allowing and encouraging the contribution from the members of the group.Every leadership style mentioned above could be implemented in the formation of ground rules in the classroom, the question is, however, which one of these would prove to be the most effective? On one hand, it can be deba ted that authoritarian approach could be beneficial – a set of clear, predetermined rules, provided by the teacher could give a good insight into the outcomes and certain regulations, that the learners would be expected to comply with. On the other hand though, this approach by its nature is not earner inclusive, which could result in the learners' reluctance to engage because of the dictatorial essence of the authoritarian approach. One can argue, that the delegative approach could be impactful, when working out ground rules, because the learners would be free to make independent decisions and set out their own standards. However, every educational establishment has a scheme of set policies and requirements that one has to hold by, which would mean that these policies would have to be included in the making of ground rules.Yet the learners might not be aware of these and therefore won't necessarily include those in their rule structure. Consequently, the Laissez-Faire approa ch might not be the right option. Common sense dictates that the democratic approach could be the best path to take. That way the formation of ground rules can be seen as a collaborative decision between the teacher and the learners. The teacher will be in a position to identify and establish particular rules that need to be in place, such as certain regulations, i. e.Health & Safety issues, or their expectations towards the learners, whereas the learners, in turn, will be able to address their preferences and requirements. This combined decision making can be achieved through group discussion or ice breaker activities, where different ideas can be proposed and afterwards either accepted or discarded. It can be reasoned that the advantage of this approach is the fact that the learners will be given a voice in decision making, therefore they will be more likely to respect and adhere to the set out rules.With an eye on creating a healthy learning environment, the established ground ru les need to promote and encourage appropriate and positive behaviour from both the learners and the teacher, both in and out of the classroom. In order to preserve this positive setting the teacher should place the emphasis on attaining an organic and well-handled atmosphere within the classroom, by encouraging creativity and enthusiasm in learners, recognising and praising success, flexibility in learning styles and approaches, as well as modelling of good and respectful behaviour, preventing any sorts of inappropriate conduct.In return, the learners should respect and appreciate the ground rules, be aware of their fellow learners and be able to consider and accept their needs, as well as to develop the sense of self discipline and responsibility. REFERENCES †¢ Atherton, J. S. (2011) Learning and Teaching; Ground Rules for the class [Online] Available from: http://www. learningandteaching. info/teaching/ground_rules. htm †¢ Bhatti, N. , Maitlo, G. M. Shaikh, N. , Hashmi, M. A. , Shaikh, F. M. (2012) The Impact of Autocratic and Democratic Leadership Style on Job Satisfaction, International Business Research [e-journal], 5(2). Available from: http://ccsenet. org/journal/index. php/ibr/article/view/14599 †¢ Lewin, K. , Lippitt, R. , White, R. K. (1939) Patterns of Aggressive Behaviour in Experimentally Created Social Climates, The Journal of Social Psychology, 10(2), p. 269-299

Behavioural Adaptations essays

Behavioural Adaptations essays Beahvioural Adaptations - Hibernation in Chipmunks Beahvioural adaptations are a way for a species to increase their survival rate by modifying an aspect of their behaviour. Many animals adapt to hibernate, this is when they go into a deep sleep in the winter and do not wake up until the spring. Chipmunks have adapted over time to do this, it allows these small mammals to dramatically increase their survival rate and not have to worry about finding food in the deep snow. Hibernation is a behavioural adaptation in chipmunks that has allowed them to survive winters easily, increase in population and therefore advance as a species. Chipmunks are small mammals that look their relatives, the squirrel. Chipmunks are much smaller than squirrels and has a striped back, with five dark, and two light stripes. They are about 20 to 28 centimeters long. The chipmunks home is a burrow dug under rocks or tree roots, or in old logs. There are tunnels off the leaf-lined nest that lead to storerooms where food is stored. Chipmunks eat nuts, seeds, wild fruits, and berries. They have inner cheek pouches that they can stuff with food. In the fall they may store some extra food to eat before they hibernate. By late spring, around 30 days after mating, the female chipmunk gives birth to about four or five live young. Animals have three options to how they spend their winters. One of these options is to remain where they spend all of their time, and risk not finding food and fighting off cold. Another option is to migrate, this is when animals move from one place to another where they can survive more easily, by finding more food or not having to fight off cold. Birds often do this because it is almost impossible for them to find food in the snow and it is much easier for them to fly to a new location than for a land animal to walk. The last option is hibernation, this is when an animal goes into a deep sleep in the winter and d ...

10 Fascinating Facts About Fireflies and Lightning Bugs

10 Fascinating Facts About Fireflies and Lightning Bugs Fireflies or lightning bugs are from the family Coleoptera:Lampyridae, and they may well be our most beloved insect, inspiring poets and scientists alike.  Most importantly to remember, fireflies are neither flies nor bugs. Fireflies are actually beetles and there are 2,000 species on our planet. Here are other interesting facts about fireflies. The Flight of Fireflies Like all other beetles, lightning bugs have hardened forewings called elytra, which meet in a straight line down the back when at rest. In flight, fireflies hold the elytra out for balance, and rely on their membranous hindwings for movement. These traits place fireflies squarely in the order Coleoptera. Fireflies Are the Worlds Most Efficient Light Producers An incandescent light bulb gives off 90 percent of its energy as heat and only 10 percent as light, which is something you know if youve ever touched one thats been turned on for a while. If fireflies produced that much heat when they lit up, they would incinerate themselves. Fireflies produce light through an efficient chemical reaction called chemiluminescence that allows them to glow without wasting heat energy. For fireflies, 100 percent of the energy goes into making light; and accomplishing that flashing increases the firefly metabolic rates an astonishingly low 37 percent above resting values. Fireflies are bioluminescent, which means they are living creatures that can produce light. That trait is shared with only a handful of other terrestrial insects, such as click beetles and railroad worms. The light is used to attract prey and members of the opposite sex, and warn off predators. Lightning bugs taste bad to birds and other potential predators, so the warning signal is a memorable one to those that have sampled before. Fireflies Talk to Each Other Using Light Signals Fireflies dont put on those spectacular summer displays just to entertain us. Youre actually eavesdropping on the firefly singles bar. Male fireflies cruising for mates flash a species-specific pattern to announce their availability to receptive females. An interested female will reply, helping the male locate her where shes perched, often on low vegetation. Fireflies Are Bioluminescent Throughout Their Life Cycles We dont often see fireflies before they reach adulthood, so you may not know that fireflies glow in all life stages. Bioluminescence begins with the egg and is present throughout the entire lifecycle. In fact, all firefly eggs, larvae, and pupae known to science are capable of producing light. Some firefly eggs emit a faint glow when disturbed. The flashing part of fireflies is called a lantern, and the flashing is controlled by the firefly using neural stimulation and nitric oxide. The males often synchronize their flashes with one another during courtship, a capacity called entraining (responding to an external rhythm) once thought only possible in humans, but now recognized in several animals. Colors of firefly lights range widely among different species, from yellow-green to orange to turquoise to a bright poppy red. Fireflies Spend Most Their Lives As Larva The firefly begins life as a bioluminescent spherical egg. At the end of the summer, adult females lay about 100 eggs in soil or near the soil surface. The worm-like larva hatches out in three to four weeks and throughout the fall hunts prey using a hypodermic-like injection strategy similar to bees. Larvae spend the winter below ground in several types of earthen chambers. Some species spend more than two winters before pupating, in late spring, and they emerge as adults from their pupa after a period of 10 days to several weeks. Adult fireflies live only another two months, spending the summer mating and performing for us before laying eggs and dying. Not All Adult Fireflies Flash Fireflies are known for their blinking light signals, but not all fireflies flash. Some adult fireflies, most notably those that inhabit the western areas of North America, dont use light signals to communicate. Many people falsely believe that fireflies dont exist west of the Rockies since flashing populations are rarely seen there...but they do. Firefly Larvae Feed on Snails Firefly larvae are carnivorous predators, and their favorite food is escargot. Most firefly species inhabit moist, terrestrial environments, where they feed on snails or worms in the soil. But a few Asian species use gills to breathe underwater, where they eat aquatic snails or other mollusks. Some species are arboreal, and their larvae hunt tree snails. Some Fireflies Are Cannibals We dont know much about what adult fireflies eat. Most dont seem to feed at all, while some are believed to eat mites or pollen. We do know what Photuris fireflies eat, though- other fireflies. Photuris females enjoy munching on males of other genera. These well-known Photuris femme fatales use a trick called aggressive mimicry to make meals of other fireflies. When a male firefly of another genus flashes its light signal, the female Photuris firefly replies with the males flash pattern, suggesting she is a receptive mate of his own species. She continues luring him in, closer and closer, until hes within her reach. Then her meal begins. Adult female Photuris fireflies are also kleptoparasitic and can be seen feeding on a silk-wrapped Photinus species firefly (occasionally even one of its own kind) hanging in a spiders web. Epic battles can occur between the spider and the firefly. Sometimes the firefly can hold off the spider long enough to consume the silk-wrapped prey, sometimes the spider cuts the web and her losses, sometimes the spider catches the firefly and the prey and gets them both wrapped up in silk. Firefly Luciferase Is Used in Medical Research Scientists have developed remarkable uses for firefly luciferase in the research lab. Luciferase is the enzyme that produces bioluminescence in fireflies. It has been used as markers to detect blood clots, to tag tuberculosis virus cells, and to monitor hydrogen peroxide levels in living organisms; hydrogen peroxide is believed to play a role in the progression of some diseases, like cancer and diabetes. Fortunately, scientists can now use a synthetic form of luciferase for most research, so the commercial harvest of fireflies has decreased. Firefly populations are decreasing, and the search for luciferase is just one of the reasons. Climate change and modern construction have resulted in the loss of firefly habitats, and light pollution depresses the ability for fireflies to find mates and reproduce. Some Fireflies Synchronize Their Flash Signals Imagine thousands of fireflies lighting up at precisely the same time, over and over, from dusk to dark. This simultaneous bioluminescence, as it is called by scientists, occurs in just two places in the world: Southeast Asia and Great Smoky Mountains National Park, right here in the U.S. North Americas lone synchronous species, Photinus carolinus, puts on its light show in late spring each year. The most spectacular show is said to be the mass synchronous display of several Pteroptyx species in Southeast Asia. Masses of male fireflies congregate in groups (called leks) and in unison emit rhythmic courtship flashes. One hotspot for ecotourism is the Selangor River in Malaysia. Lek collective courting happens occasionally in American fireflies, but not for long periods. In the American Southeast, male members of the blue ghost firefly (Phausis reticulate) glow steadily as they fly slowly over the forest floor searching for females from about 40 minutes after sunset until midnight. Both sexes emit a long-lasting, nearly continuous glow in the forested regions of Appalachia. Annual tours to see the blue ghosts can be joined at state forests in South and North Carolina between April and July. Sources Buschman, Lawrent L. Biology of the Firefly Pyractomena Lucifera (Coleoptera: Lampyridae). The Florida Entomologist 67.4 (1984): 529–42. Print.-. Larval Biology and Ecology of Photuris Fireflies (Lampyridae: Coleoptera) in Northcentral Florida. Journal of the Kansas Entomological Society 57.1 (1984): 7–16. Print.Day, John C., Tim I. Goodall, and Mark J. Bailey. The Evolution of the Adenylate-Forming Protein Family in Beetles: Multiple Luciferase Gene Paralogues in Fireflies and Glow-Worms. Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution 50.1 (2009): 93–101. Print.De Cock, Rapha, et al. Courtship and Mating in Phausis Reticulata (Coleoptera: Lampyridae): Male Flight Behaviors, Female Glow Displays, and Male Attraction to Light Traps. The Florida Entomologist 97.4 (2014): 1290–307. Print.Faust, Lynn, et al. Thieves in the Night: Kleptoparasitism by Fireflies in the Genus Photuris Dejean (Coleoptera: Lampyridae). The Coleopterists Bulletin 66.1 (2012): 1–6. Prin t.Lewis, Sara M., and Christopher K. Cratsley. Flash Signal Evolution, Mate Choice, and Predation in Fireflies. Annual Review of Entomology 53.1 (2008): 293–321. Print. Martin, Gavin J., et al. Total Evidence Phylogeny and the Evolution of Adult Bioluminescence in Fireflies (Coleoptera: Lampyridae). Molecular Phylogenetics and Evolution 107 (2017): 564–75. Print.Moosman, Paul R., et al. Do Courtship Flashes of Fireflies (Coleoptera: Lampyridae) Serve as Aposematic Signals to Insectivorous Bats? Animal Behaviour 78.4 (2009): 1019–25. Print.Wilson, Margaret, and Peter F. Cook. Rhythmic Entrainment: Why Humans Want to, Fireflies Can’t Help It, Pet Birds Try, and Sea Lions Have to Be Bribed. Psychonomic Bulletin Review 23.6 (2016): 1647–59. Print.

Discussion and Respond. 3 Dissertation Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Discussion and Respond. 3 - Dissertation Example Effective communication is required for interdependence in business. In order to understand a business or any of its operation, a manager needs to study a situation by talking to the insiders. This talking in actual means listening and extracting the domain information till complete comprehension is achieved. Only when the problem is understood can an effective and valuable solution be reached at. So the concept is basically to listen first before speaking. Managers can adopt the technique during the performance reviews of the workers. By listening to the workers problems, a better understanding of workers problems and goals can be achieved. This can be aligned with the goals of company, and practical strategies aiming at increased productivity can be reached at. 5. Give an example of how a Manager cans Model Behavior? A manager can perform a certain behavior in order to show the employees how they are expected to behave too which guides them through the imitation process of the mode led behavior. For instance, instead of telling the employees what to do, a manager can take out time to sit with them and show the proper way of doing things. By pairing them up with the experienced employees, manager motivates the inexperienced staff to ask questions and learn from the experienced resources. By communicating professionally and courteously, a manager motivates a culture where the subordinates behave in a similar manner with their lower staff.